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The Dumbest Excuse for Bad Cities

Not Just Bikes·
5 min read

Based on Not Just Bikes's video on YouTube. If you like this content, support the original creators by watching, liking and subscribing to their content.

TL;DR

Most daily travel is local and short; in the U.S., over 45% of trips are 3 miles or less, which should be walkable or cyclable.

Briefing

“America is too big” is treated as a catch-all excuse for why trains, bike networks, and walkable neighborhoods supposedly can’t exist—but the real barrier is how cities are designed for short trips, not the size of the country. Most daily travel happens within cities over distances that are easily walkable or cyclable. In the United States, more than 45% of all trips are 3 miles or less (under 5 kilometers), yet those short trips are dominated by car use because walking and cycling are made unsafe and public transit is largely absent.

That mismatch—short trip distances paired with car dependency—explains why “country size” arguments miss the point. People do not commute from one end of a nation to the other every day. They travel locally. Even the commonly cited average commute length in the U.S. (about 20 miles, or 32 kilometers) is still a reasonable distance for rail if rail service existed. The focus should therefore be on whether a city provides safe, connected options for everyday errands and mobility, not on whether a map looks large.

The transcript also attacks the “too big for trains” claim by pointing to North America’s own history. In the 1800s, railroads shaped settlement patterns: companies acquired land, built rail lines and stations, and then sold nearby land to recoup investment. Nearly every town and city had train stations, and most places also had streetcar lines. Those communities were built to be walkable because automobiles were not yet dominant. What changed wasn’t geography—it was policy and infrastructure priorities. Stations and walkable downtowns were later demolished, often to make room for highways, leaving behind car-oriented street patterns and weaker transit networks.

Even if intercity travel were the main issue, the argument still doesn’t hold. Much of travel is regional, and there are many city pairs in the U.S. that fit the population and distance needed for high-speed or high-frequency rail. Canada’s population is also concentrated: about 50% of people live in a narrow corridor, making rail between major cities like Toronto and Montreal feasible. The comparison extends beyond North America, noting that Europe’s Schengen Zone enables border-free travel across many countries, and that bike lanes in Amsterdam wouldn’t be torn up just because new countries join—an analogy meant to show how “size” logic is inconsistent.

The deeper cause, according to the transcript, is bad land use. North American cities waste land through single-family sprawl, surface parking lots, low-density development, and excessively wide “stroads” (streets that function like both roads and arterials). Empty lots and underused commercial sites often remain as-is or decay until replaced by new big-box development farther out. This pattern spreads destinations too far apart for walking, makes transit inefficient, and creates dangerous conditions for cycling due to heavy car traffic.

The Netherlands is offered as a contrast: not because it is small, but because it has policies that enforce efficient land use while protecting farmland. The transcript frames this as a choice—North America’s sprawling suburbs come at the cost of large amounts of natural and agricultural land each year. In the end, the “too big” excuse is portrayed as a way of restating the problem rather than solving it: the real question is whether cities can be rebuilt around walkability and transit, and whether land-use decisions will change.

Cornell Notes

The “country is too big” argument fails because most trips are local and short. In the U.S., over 45% of trips are 3 miles or less, distances that can be walked or cycled—yet car dependency dominates because walking and cycling are unsafe and public transit is missing. North America’s rail and streetcar era shows that trains and walkable town design were once normal; stations and downtowns were later removed, often for highway expansion. The transcript places the root cause in land-use choices: sprawl, parking lots, low-density development, and wide stroads spread destinations, weaken transit viability, and make cycling dangerous. Fixing cities therefore requires changing planning and land-use policy, not blaming geography.

Why does “country size” miss the practical mobility problem?

Most people don’t travel across an entire country for everyday needs. The transcript highlights that in the U.S., more than 45% of trips are 3 miles or less (under 5 km). Those are routine distances for errands, visits, and appointments—exactly the kind of travel that should be served by walking, cycling, and local transit. When those options are unsafe or unavailable, car use fills the gap regardless of how large the country is.

How does the transcript use history to challenge the “too big for trains” claim?

North America was built around rail. In the 1800s, railroad companies acquired land westward, built rail lines and stations, and then sold nearby land to recoup investment. Nearly every town and city had train stations, and most also had streetcar lines. Those places were walkable because they predated automobile dominance. The later disappearance of stations and downtowns is attributed to demolition—often to make room for highways—rather than to any geographic impossibility.

What does the transcript say about commuting distances versus everyday travel?

It distinguishes commuting from the broader set of daily trips. The U.S. average commute is cited at about 20 miles (32 km), which the transcript calls a reasonable rail distance if trains existed. More importantly, it argues that many daily trips are not commuting and are far shorter—so the design of local streets and transit access matters more than national scale.

How does land use connect to transit quality and cycling safety?

The transcript argues that sprawl and car-oriented design create the conditions for transit failure and dangerous cycling. It points to single-family sprawl, surface parking lots, low-density development, and wide stroads. These patterns spread destinations so walking becomes difficult and transit becomes inefficient. Heavy car traffic and street design then make cycling unsafe, reinforcing car dependency.

Why is the Netherlands used as a counterexample?

The Netherlands is presented as proof that efficient land use and connected mobility can exist regardless of country size. The transcript claims Dutch land-use policy protects arable farmland while enforcing efficient development, contributing to strong agricultural output. It contrasts this with North America’s land consumption for sprawling suburbs, citing large annual losses of natural and agricultural land as evidence that planning choices drive outcomes.

What is the Schengen Zone analogy meant to demonstrate?

The transcript uses Europe’s Schengen Zone to show that border-free travel across multiple countries doesn’t force cities to abandon bike infrastructure when new countries join. The point is that “size” logic is inconsistent: if adding countries to a travel zone doesn’t require removing bike lanes, then “America is too big for bike lanes” is treated as an equally flawed argument.

Review Questions

  1. What share of trips in the U.S. are 3 miles or less, and why does that statistic undermine the “country is too big” excuse?
  2. According to the transcript, what infrastructure and policy changes led to the decline of stations and walkable downtowns in North America?
  3. Which land-use elements (e.g., stroads, parking lots, low-density development) are described as directly causing weak transit and unsafe cycling?

Key Points

  1. 1

    Most daily travel is local and short; in the U.S., over 45% of trips are 3 miles or less, which should be walkable or cyclable.

  2. 2

    Car dependency persists because walking and cycling are made unsafe and public transit is largely unavailable, not because countries are geographically “too big.”

  3. 3

    North America once had dense rail and streetcar networks; stations and walkable downtowns were later removed, often to build highways.

  4. 4

    Intercity rail feasibility depends more on regional corridors and city-pair distances than on national size.

  5. 5

    Bad land use—sprawl, surface parking, low-density development, and wide stroads—spreads destinations, weakens transit viability, and increases cycling danger.

  6. 6

    The Netherlands is framed as an example of policy-driven efficient land use, including protections for farmland, rather than a size-based inevitability.

  7. 7

    North American suburban expansion is portrayed as a deliberate choice with measurable land and environmental costs each year.

Highlights

Over 45% of U.S. trips are 3 miles or less—distances that could be served by walking and cycling if streets and transit supported them.
Rail and streetcars once structured North American towns; the decline is linked to demolition for highways, not to an inherent inability to build rail.
The core culprit is land use: sprawl, parking lots, low density, and wide stroads make walking hard, transit inefficient, and cycling dangerous.
Canada’s rail potential is argued to be practical because about 50% of the population lives in a narrow corridor, enabling Toronto–Montreal service.
The Schengen Zone analogy is used to show that “size” doesn’t logically force cities to abandon bike infrastructure.

Topics

Mentioned

  • U-Bahn
  • Nebula
  • RM Transit